Ceremony and strategy
Britain will welcome German President Frank-Walter Steinmeier for a State Visit from December 3–5, 2025—the first by a German head of state in nearly three decades. In a gesture of reconciliation, the visit will include a stop at the ruins of Coventry Cathedral, destroyed during the Second World War. While the occasion will carry the usual ceremonial weight, it also marks a significant moment in the quiet but deliberate reset of Anglo-German relations.
That reset has been gathering pace for several years. Its foundations were laid during the King’s inaugural overseas visit in 2023, when his warmly received address to the Bundestag praised Germany’s steadfast support for Ukraine in the wake of Russia’s invasion. The tone he struck—outward-looking, collaborative, and anchored in shared democratic values—helped re-energize diplomatic ties between London and Berlin. Since then, momentum has only grown. The Labour Government’s broader push to rebuild and stabilize relations with the EU has created new political space for closer UK–German cooperation, turning what might once have been a routine State Visit into a marker of renewed purpose in the bilateral relationship.
The renewed closeness between London and Berlin was exemplified by Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s summer trip to the UK, during which he visited Airbus’s site in Stevenage to signify growing industrial and defense collaboration. The visit culminated in the signing of the Kensington Agreement, a wide-ranging bilateral treaty that laid the structural foundations for deeper cooperation on defense, energy, migration, and youth mobility.
Both governments are keen to show that post-Brexit Britain can still play a strategic role in Europe. The State Visit will not bring new policies, but it will publicly affirm a partnership increasingly seen as vital to Europe’s stability and prosperity. It is also part of a broader effort to stabilize European diplomatic dynamics amid shifting global realities. The symbolism of a German president visiting Britain at this juncture sends a clear message: the UK is no longer a peripheral actor in European politics, but a re-engaged partner.
The changing face of Europe
Since Labour’s general election victory in 2024, Prime Minister Keir Starmer has steered Britain toward a more pragmatic relationship with the EU. The emphasis has been on rebuilding trust without reopening membership debates. Germany, under Merz, has been particularly receptive. For Berlin, a functional UK–EU relationship bolsters Europe’s broader strategic posture, especially with renewed threats from Russia and instability across the Atlantic.
The Kensington Agreement reflected this shared realism: a structured bilateral framework outside the EU, focused on joint delivery. Its scope is wide but grounded in clear, deliverable outcomes—from integrating defense supply chains to reviving student and youth exchanges. For both sides, it is a way of putting political rhetoric behind practical results.
Both Merz and Starmer see in their renewed partnership a way to lead by example in a Europe that is too often reactive and fragmented. Rather than waiting for consensus through slow EU machinery or transatlantic diplomacy, the UK and Germany are demonstrating that major powers can act bilaterally with purpose.
The view from Berlin
Germany has always viewed the United Kingdom as an important player on the European and global stage—both an economic partner and a pillar of the transatlantic alliance. However, Brexit and the domestic political instability in London after 2016 led to a noticeable distance. The German public has given less weight to the role of the UK as a foreign policy partner in recent years, especially compared to the United States and France. At the same time, the UK slipped significantly down the ranking of Germany’s trading partners after 2016.
With Keir Starmer taking office in July 2024, cautious trust returned. In addition to the hoped-for restoration of relative political stability, the reason was initially quite simple: as a head of government from the “left” camp, Keir Starmer was a natural contact point for the foreign-policy-weak Social Democratic Chancellor Olaf Scholz. The signing of the Trinity House Agreement in October 2024 was a logical consequence of the rapprochement in the face of geopolitical developments.
The change in the chancellery to the conservative Friedrich Merz did not interrupt this trend. Merz, who in his first months in office was effectively the “foreign-policy chancellor,” continued his predecessor’s work and signed the Kensington Agreement this July. In Berlin, this treaty is seen not only as strengthening the “E3” triangle, but also as a model for cooperation with an important European partner outside the EU.
Germany’s focus on the UK—as a relevant actor on the international stage and a bridge to the US—is sharpening again. Military capabilities, highly developed intelligence services and global soft power were never in doubt. Especially in comparison to the still cumbersome Franco-German collaboration, which everyone wants but which begins to show strain when it comes to details, Germany appreciates the return of reliability from London. Critical voices that call for greater integration into EU formats are rare; instead, bilateral agreements and the E3 dialogue are seen as useful additions to European integration. The German public views the new political stability in London largely positively and welcomes the visible rapprochement with a reliable partner in uncertain times.
The pragmatic allies
This is also a moment of political convergence. Starmer and Merz, though from different political traditions, are pragmatic enough to see in each other a valuable ally. Both face populist challengers at home: Reform UK in Britain; the AfD in Germany. Each understands that international cooperation is part of the antidote to domestic polarization. Delivering results through bilateral success is, for both, a political and strategic imperative.
Both leaders also face restive electorates tired of promises and polarization. Their bet is that practical progress abroad can support legitimacy at home. It’s a risky but calculated move: to use foreign policy success as a counterweight to domestic instability. Whether on defense, energy, or migration, each knows that failure to deliver may cede space to the populists.
Energy and defense cooperation
The Kensington Agreement is ambitious in scope. Defense collaboration is central: London and Berlin are moving to integrate aspects of their defense industries, coordinate procurement, and align strategic doctrine. This reflects shared concern about Europe’s defense capabilities, especially in light of Russian aggression and uncertainties within NATO. Germany has also backed the UK’s associate participation in SAFE, the EU’s new defense procurement fund. Although the talks fell apart just before the November 30 bid window, the episode underscored two things: first, a lingering mismatch between Brussels’ legal caution and London’s desire for flexible third-country access; and second, the extent to which partners such as Germany view UK involvement as strategically important. The collapse of negotiations is therefore less a repudiation of cooperation than a reminder that Europe’s defense integration still struggles to keep pace with its geopolitical needs.
Energy cooperation is another major area. Joint investment in North Sea wind projects, a prospective hydrogen corridor, and grid interconnectors signal a shared commitment to long-term energy security. These initiatives are both geopolitical and green, helping to reduce dependence on fossil fuels and counter authoritarian energy suppliers.
The Kensington Treaty also launched initiatives in digital policy, AI, and semiconductor supply chains, reflecting a desire to stay competitive in a rapidly shifting global economy. In a time of technological rivalry between the US and China, both countries see the value of building European capacity and reducing vulnerability in key tech sectors. There are also proposals to create a bilateral Business Forum, focused on fostering investment and innovation in green technology and digital industries. This move would create structured engagement between UK and German firms and align with broader EU–UK economic coordination. It is not a return to the single market, but it is a signal that pragmatic alignment is back on the table.
Outlook for 2026
2026 will test the resilience of this renewed partnership. Joint defense procurement will require careful coordination; energy and climate projects must navigate regulation and infrastructure gaps. Review of the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) may also bring EU–UK frictions back into play, requiring deft management to maintain momentum.
But the outlook is promising. The Kensington Treaty’s built-in mechanisms for review and progress tracking—including biannual summits—will help ensure follow-through. With both governments politically aligned and strategically invested, Anglo-German relations are set to enter their most constructive phase in a generation.
Still, there are risks. Economic headwinds in both countries could strain capacity for delivery. A resurgence of nationalist sentiment are re-politicizing migration, trade, and defense debates. And international shocks—from Middle East instability to Chinese assertiveness in global markets—could test the flexibility of this bilateral framework.
Nonetheless, the strategic case for cooperation remains strong. Both Starmer and Merz know that European security, prosperity, and political stability are better served through joint effort. Their bilateralism is not about replacing the EU or NATO, but about filling in gaps, speeding up delivery, and signaling intent. It is a model that may well appeal to other European leaders watching closely.
The December State Visit is not just a ceremonial occasion. It is the public crest of a new wave of cooperation—a reaffirmation that Britain and Germany, despite Brexit and global volatility, are determined to work together as partners of purpose in a world increasingly defined by instability, inaction, and division.
Materials presented by Alex Moore (Edelman UK) and Fiete Starck (Edelman Germany). For additional information, reach out to Alex.Moore@edelman.com or Fiete.Starck@edelman.com
